A trip to Lviv, Ukraine, during the war.
The good, the bad and the ugly
Author: Hermann F. Ros
Date: 26.08.2025
Date: 26.08.2025
The idea
About a month ago, in July, I woke up to a text message from my friend. With blurry eyes and a slow brain, I carefully read the WhatsApp message from the phone in my Berlin apartment where the summer sun was shining in through the curtains.
Do you have time to travel to Ukraine with me and a journalist who invites us? The accommodation is free. An exciting trip!
After understanding this was a real proposal, I sighed loudly to myself, groaned and put my hands on my face. After some minutes I responded.
Oh my. Is Lviv safe? I don’t want to be dronestriked.
He responded:
Well of course.
I didn’t know to which of my sentences he said “of course” too, but I had the feeling it was to the latter, agreeing that he too has some will to live and would prefer not to meet death by a Russian strike. Regardless, I knew this would be a once in a lifetime opportunity, and thus I shortly after texted him I’ll be coming with.
The trip itself
On the 12th of august our car rolled over the stereotypical bumps in the road on the Ukrainian side of the Polish/Ukrainian border, leaving central Europe and the Union, entering a part of Europe I had never been to, excluding a few days on the Black Sea cost in Bulgaria last year. The rural parts of Ukraine we passed on our way to the apartment were filled with orthodox churches, beautiful blue and white ones, covered in brass on the tops. We saw at least 50 in the span of one hour, which made me realize something that I would only get confirmed later: Christianity is deeply rooted in Ukraine. Since the free accommodation was in a town some 8km away from the city, me and my friend decided to rent our own apartment, in the central of Lviv. We were staying at Katedralna Street 2, right in the city centre.
On the 12th of august our car rolled over the stereotypical bumps in the road on the Ukrainian side of the Polish/Ukrainian border, leaving central Europe and the Union, entering a part of Europe I had never been to, excluding a few days on the Black Sea cost in Bulgaria last year. The rural parts of Ukraine we passed on our way to the apartment were filled with orthodox churches, beautiful blue and white ones, covered in brass on the tops. We saw at least 50 in the span of one hour, which made me realize something that I would only get confirmed later: Christianity is deeply rooted in Ukraine. Since the free accommodation was in a town some 8km away from the city, me and my friend decided to rent our own apartment, in the central of Lviv. We were staying at Katedralna Street 2, right in the city centre.
The morning view from the balcony
Lviv is a beautiful, central-European looking, fascinating, vibrant, young, cosey and romantic city. The architecture feels like home. It’s a lively city; during night, the central boulevard is filled with laughter, chatter and music, and I got reminded that even if Berlin is a lively city, this would never happen in there. The girls walk stiffly in their skintight dresses ending an inch or two at most under the behind, and their high heels, with a facial sign that makes it look like your very own existence is bothering them, and a look that could kill. Many couples are out and enjoy the romantic city under the lights, buying a flower here and there from the old ladies selling them on the street. The city centre is full of bars where the youth go. In many ways, Lviv is what central Europe once was.
But Lviv is at the same time eerie, shocking and scary. Most of the time, you do not feel, see or think of the war. Drinking my Americano (Canadiano?) in a Vienna or Paris-looking Cafe from the Austrian occupation time in the city centre, by the floods of people talking and laughing, in the gazing sun, among the street musician’s guitar, you do not have a single thought about the country being at war. Yet at the same time, the air raid sirens are screaming in the whole of eastern Ukraine. At the same time, soldiers on the eastern front capture bullets with their heads and take shrapnel to their limbs. Sometimes you see soldiers on permission, walking, limping or rolling around the city on wheelchairs.
A friend of an acquaintance showing her son. She has not heard from him for three months.
On the streets in Lviv
Three times during our trip, we heard the air raid alerts ringing. We were told that they had become fewer during the build-up to the Trump-Putin meeting. The first one came while we were sitting at the Opera, watching a ballet. During the second act, the ballet dancer slowly stopped with his ecstatic dancing and instead started walking slowly (normally) with a sunken face in the ground toward the backstage. The orchestra stopped playing. Through the dead silence we could faintly here the sirens outside. Everyone was to go outside.
The speakers in the city were switching in-between rambling something in Ukrainian and letting out the traditional air raid alert sound over the whole city. I was scared. But I was calmed down by the fact that no one other than me seemed to care. They were standing outside the opera, more occupied being visibly disappointed that the play was interrupted rather than looking for the nearest shelter. No one took cover. I asked some boys why. They told me that this has happened almost everyday during the past three years. That means that this air raid alert is one among a thousand before. It’s nothing special.
The speakers in the city were switching in-between rambling something in Ukrainian and letting out the traditional air raid alert sound over the whole city. I was scared. But I was calmed down by the fact that no one other than me seemed to care. They were standing outside the opera, more occupied being visibly disappointed that the play was interrupted rather than looking for the nearest shelter. No one took cover. I asked some boys why. They told me that this has happened almost everyday during the past three years. That means that this air raid alert is one among a thousand before. It’s nothing special.
There are special WhatsApp and Telegram groups used by Ukrainians to find out the nature of the air raid alert. Most of the times, it’s not that dangerous, for example if there is a single object / fighter jet in the air a couple of hours away. If the threat is greater, like a missile, the people get notified, and that’s when they take shelter. An acquaintance told me, if it’s a ballistic missile, getting to a safe shelter is just a matter of minutes. He showed me a video of him and his girlfriend rushing on the streets of Kiev, air raid alerts sounding over all the city. The were visible stressed, his girlfriend panicking, rushing back and forth among apartment buildings to find an open shelter. In the background you could hear the explosions from the missiles.
Below is photos/videos from the ballet and air raid alert.
Below is photos/videos from the ballet and air raid alert.
The opera at night, not the same day.
In the entrance hall
Inside the main hall
Before the show(s) start, the opera lets everyone know what will happen in case of an air raid alert. I filmed this because I thought it was so surreal.
Little did I know, there would be an air raid alert before the show ended.
Little did I know, there would be an air raid alert before the show ended.
Before the show starts, the national hymn plays and everyone naturally stands up with their hand over their heart.
Right at the end, you hear someone shout "Slava Ukraini" to which several people join and shout back "Slava".Air raid alert
Stopped after ca 20 minutes
The Ukrainian cuisine is delicious. I not only enjoyed several fantastic Borschts, but many other delicacies like Chicken Kiev, Salo and various stews, breads, rice dishes etc. An American would probably have a heart attack from the complete arrogance showed by many servers, but as a European I don’t really mind it, and am happy if I get my food in time and if it tastes good. Most if not all servers were girls of around 15-25 years old, lacking not only the experience dealing with tourists but also the interest of dealing with tourists. Some blushed heavily when we insisted on ordering despite their mostly non-existent English skills (what can we do?). We gestured and pointed to get our message across which worked most of the time. One time a girl looked us deep in the eyes and let out a big sigh when we greeted her with our “hello”, but the order worked just fine. To the people in Lviv, we don’t expect you to speak English, but come on, you’re missing out on speaking with the world!
Borscht with Smetana, a beef patty with a fried egg on top, a pork patty with mushrooms, some kind of Sausage-salad (like a Wurstsalat) and a glass of Kompot.
Bulgur, schnitzel and pickled cucumbers - but this is pickled with sugar and dill, it's not salty at all, just like we do in Sweden. When I was a teenager I had an electronic cigeratte with the exact taste of these pickled cucumbers, then my mom found it and took it.
The drink on the side tasted like leather or shoe soles. It was actually quite good, the taste was just very unusual. If someone knows what drink it is, please write me.
I think this plate was around 3 euros. It was the cantina for a music academy, so the prices were set for a student budget, although we were not the only non-students there.
White Borscht at Puzata Hata.
On one of the days, we visited Mukachevo, a town of around 85 000 people situated in south-west Ukraine close to the Romanian, Hungarian and Slovakian border. We took the train there, passing by beautiful Zakarpattia landscapes. The trip was four hours, but I did manage getting some sleep in on the bunk beds in the compartment, and they were comfier than any of the bunk beds I’ve tried in any train before. Sorry Ukraine, I thought the beds would be harder than concrete, I need to work on my prejudices of eastern europe. In Mukachevo we visited a newly built church, filled with orthodox icons, enough to make an atheist repent. Another highlight was a beautiful café. As a hobby writer I usually struggle to find good cafes or bars to write in – but this one would have been perfect. On the train ride back, we got our second air raid alert. The train stood still for about 10 minutes before continuing like nothing happened. This time I wasn’t scared as we were in the middle of no where.
Lviv Central Station
On our way to Mukachevo
Inside an orthodox church in Mukachevo
Icon 1
Icon 2
A Mukachevo duck
On our way back, the air raid alert starting ringing. It lasted aprox 10 minutes.
During the evenings, we frequented small bars, full of students partying. The night life is beautiful and fun, until the curfew hits. At midnight until 05:00, you are obliged to stay at home, for safety measures. Nevertheless, you still see some people out late, even sometime walking past the police cars not caring, and the police doesn’t seem to be very strict about it either.
Napoi svit - Drinks world. Kind of like the Berliner Spätkaufs.
General nightlife - many people out, the city is buzzing and under the evening's lukewarm heat, it feels amazing
Wonderful workers at the Tsehla Bar - https://maps.app.goo.gl/sujSoGmcCPJHuqK28
Some notes about the people.
I asked a few people about Zelenskiy, what they thought of him, whether they were satisfied with him, and so on. Two young women (Gen Z) smiled nervously and looked at each other when I asked this. I was afraid of getting a non-answer from most, but this was not the case. The answer I got from most was that they are satisfied with his leadership, but he’s not the best man ever. The Ukrainian people have fought for democracy, and having elected him personally means a lot. Therefore, it seems as if the sole fact of having a democratically elected president is outweighs many/some bad sides. One person told me (paraphrasing): “He’s not perfect, but he’s our president, we elected him. Then the war came and now he needs to represent and fight for us. We are satisfied and happy for that, and when he does something bad, we take it to the streets”, referencing the recent protests. Two surveys, [1] (Bowman 2025) and [2] (Burdyga 2025) show that Zelenskiy is indeed widely supported.
What struck me was how, whenever the Ukrainians talked about other European countries, they almost always referenced the rest of Europe as simply Europe. “In Europe they have this or do that, while in Ukraine...”. I asked one or two people if this was intentional or just a mistake, meaning to reference the European Union, but the two people I asked did say Ukrainians differentiate themselves from Europe. A 2024 study (note: after the start of the war), reported by UNN, shows that a majority, 53% do not consider themselves European [3]. I find this fascinating as my preconceived notion of eastern Europe was that they did aspire to be Europeans. But aspiring to be European (wanting to join the EU for example) is not the same as feeling or identifying as European. For example, a study done concerning the Moldovan identity showed that almost 80% consider themselves European (“to some extend” / “yes”), while far less, around 60%, considered themselves Eastern European (“to some extend” / “yes”) (Simionov 2022) [4]. Moldova, like Ukraine, is not a part of the EU and could barely be considered being geographically more west than Ukraine. Despite this, they show a positive European identity. This could however be because of the ethnic diversity in the country, many considering themselves more Romanian than Moldovan, and the study should be taken with a grain of salt as mentioned in the paper.
And although scientifically irrelevant, but very funny, let’s not forget the Romanian textbook map, proudly including the country into central Europe.
It seems therefore as if the Ukrainian identity is strong – not wanting to be European, German, Polish, Hungarian, and God forbid Russian, but Ukrainian only. But what happens when nationalism goes too far?
There’s three elephants in the room, and they’re called Bandera, OUN-B and UPA.
This one’s controversial. I’m talking about the red-black flags which can be seen in front of apartment complexes, in bookstores, on the streets and sold as patches at flee markets. It is the flag of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), as well as the colours of the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), the former created by the latter. Here it is important to differentiate from the OUN-M, which was another faction in which the OUN split into. The man we will talk about, Stepan Bandera (1909-1959) was a previous member of the OUN, rival to the later formed OUN-M and leader of his own faction OUN-B, B for Bandera. He was a Ukrainian ultranationalist and a right-wing extremist who strived for an independent Ukraine, which in the end led him to be assassinated by the KGB while residing in Munich. Bandera has traditionally had more support in western Ukraine where his movement was born, and less support in eastern Ukraine, which is more Russian influenced. According to a 2022 study done by the Ukrainian research organization Rating Group, 74% of Ukrainians hold a positive attitude toward Stepan Bandera, compared with 22% in 2012 [5], which goes to show that the Russian invasion has upscaled Ukrainian nationalism immensely. I asked a young woman (Gen Z) about this, wondering how her relationship is with nationalism. She said that she had never cared much about being Ukrainian before, but that after the war she ‘couldn’t sit still when her family members are being killed in east Ukraine’.
There’s three elephants in the room, and they’re called Bandera, OUN-B and UPA.
This one’s controversial. I’m talking about the red-black flags which can be seen in front of apartment complexes, in bookstores, on the streets and sold as patches at flee markets. It is the flag of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), as well as the colours of the Bandera faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B), the former created by the latter. Here it is important to differentiate from the OUN-M, which was another faction in which the OUN split into. The man we will talk about, Stepan Bandera (1909-1959) was a previous member of the OUN, rival to the later formed OUN-M and leader of his own faction OUN-B, B for Bandera. He was a Ukrainian ultranationalist and a right-wing extremist who strived for an independent Ukraine, which in the end led him to be assassinated by the KGB while residing in Munich. Bandera has traditionally had more support in western Ukraine where his movement was born, and less support in eastern Ukraine, which is more Russian influenced. According to a 2022 study done by the Ukrainian research organization Rating Group, 74% of Ukrainians hold a positive attitude toward Stepan Bandera, compared with 22% in 2012 [5], which goes to show that the Russian invasion has upscaled Ukrainian nationalism immensely. I asked a young woman (Gen Z) about this, wondering how her relationship is with nationalism. She said that she had never cared much about being Ukrainian before, but that after the war she ‘couldn’t sit still when her family members are being killed in east Ukraine’.
So, what’s the deal with Bandera? Thing is, he is a very controversial figure in Ukraine. I do not hold any further expertise to speak about this sensitive and big topic, but I have researched a little bit and can at least write a few lines (as well as my opinion) about the topic. The deal with Bandera is that he is accused of being a fascist and reading several historians’ opinions about him you understand that he was not the liberal kind to say the least. PhD political scientist Ivan Katchanovski says in the abstract of his paper ‘The OUN, the UPA and the Nazi Genocide in Ukraine’ (2019) that:
“The analyses of biographic publications, historical studies, and archival documents show that the majority of the OUN-B and UPA leaders and a very large proportion of members collaborated with Nazi Germany, mainly in the beginning of World War II. A significant percentage of the leaders and members of these organizations served in various police formations. They assisted the Nazi occupational authorities in implementing genocidal policies towards the Jews, Ukrainians, Russians, and Poles by helping to carry out mass executions and create conditions intended for the psychical annihilation of the entire Jewish population and significant numbers of Ukrainians, Russians, and Poles, specifically in Volhynia. The fact that many police commanders and large numbers of policemen in various locations and formations followed orders from the OUN-B by deserting en masse from their service, in particular in Volhynia in the spring of 1943, and forming the basis of the UPA shows that these commanders and police members were de facto controlled by the OUN-B.” [6]
When Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union in the so-called Operation Barbarossa, Bandera and OUN-B called out an independent Ukrainian State (liberated from the Soviet Union) and pledged to work together with the Nazi invaders, to fight off the Bolsheviks. One could primarily forgive this by naming it but a forced tactical move to get rid of the Soviet Union, as a “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” move. I personally don’t think he was a nazi. For example, head of the SS Gottlob Berger wrote in a report after talking with Bandera that “He hates both the Russians and the Germans with a passion.” (Bihun 2018) [7] and the OUN-B even later turned on Nazi Germany after they did not recognize an independent Ukraine. After the Germans regretted their decision in 1944, they tried to cooperate with Bandera and Yaroslav Stetsko, another leader of the OUN-B, by recognizing a Ukrainian independant state. Bandera and Stetsko refused to make a deal, ‘in view of Hitler’s ruthless terrorist regime in Ukraine’ (Stetsko 1989) [8]. Bandera being a nazi is not a common interpretation of him, in fact, prior to the failed agreement proposed by the nazis, he spent two years as a political prisoner in the concentration camp of Sachsenhausen. Although, according to Polish historian Dr. Mirosław Szumiło, he was placed in the ’Zellenbau’, seperated from the main camp.
”There, he had a tworoom cell with a guest room, a bedroom furnished like a normal apartment and ate his meals in the SS dining room. What is more, he did not have to wear the prisoner’s garb, nor was he forced to work. He was allowed to contact his wife and communicate with the outside world.” [9].
This is also supported by German-Polish Historian Grzegorz Rossolinski-Liebe (2014) [10]. To picture Bandera in a striped shirt cramped with the starving to-be-gassed jews would be far from the truth.
I can also forgive some antisemitic thoughts since everyone back then was a product of their time.
But we know that’s not all. We cannot ignore the rest.
The UPA and the OUN-B has been pointed out by historians as very clearly not just indirectly responsible, but active in pogroms against Poles and Jews and was not just a tactical friend of Nazi Germany but helped them exterminate Jews in western Ukraine and was an active part of the Holocaust. And we can go even further: even arguing Bandera was not personally responsible for any of the atrocities, and that he was a fascist with little influence with a terrorist organisation underneath him doing all the work, the UPA-flag and the colours of the OUN-B party, the very flags used by the same members who carried out a massacre of 100 000 poles in the Volhynia massacre, (The official website of the President of the Republic of Poland 2013) [11], who supported the Germans’ mobile killing units and killed jews, [12] are all over the city of Lviv. It is really concerning.
There are currently around 40 Bandera monuments in Ukraine and the red/black OUN-B / UPA flags can be seen frequently in western Ukraine, as stated, in front of apartment complexes, in bookstores, on the streets and sold as patches at flee markets.
Suddenly Putin’s talk about “de-nazifying” Ukraine makes more sense. However, this fact/problem in Ukraine is still under no circumstances a valid reason to invade the country. I repeat: regardless of how many Bandera supporters there are in Ukraine, the invasion of Ukraine by Russia it to be condemned. This war offers me a dilemma as a pacifist, and I am indecisive where I stand on the question if the west should be giving further support Ukraine. Every second of war is a tragedy itself, and at the end of the day I despise patriotism and nationalism. With that being said, seeing how Russia is an imperialist country down to its core, Ukraine will likely not be the first country to be invaded if we let Russia succeed. Living in Berlin, I do not fear Russia invading the west, but I do fear Russia continuing their ‘special military operations’ in countries like Georgia (fearing a total escalation) and Romania. That being said, I have no geopolitical expertise at all and am speaking from a personal view.
One last important thing about the red-black flag: we can not be sure that the Ukrainian school system actually teaches the background of this flag and Bandera's views. I asked a young person (gen Z) on the street about the flag, asking what it stands for (acting oblivious, to see what they would say). They responded that it's just a "nationalist flag". That's all. Maybe they knew but didn't tell me, or maybe not. Maybe most are not very well-read on what the flag can truly represent. Or maybe they do. This is all just speculation, and it would require me going back to Ukraine to lead a survey in order to find out.
Before changing focus, here’s two articles I recommend reading on the topic:
https://theins.ru/en/politics/250805
This is from a Russian anti-Putin newspaper, picturing Bandera in a somewhat milder light.
This is from a Russian anti-Putin newspaper, picturing Bandera in a somewhat milder light.
https://www.tabletmag.com/sections/history/articles/slaughter-of-jews-in-ukraine-lviv-pogrom
This is from History PhD John-Paul Himka, shedding light on the Lviv pogroms, blaming both OUN and OUN-B.
This is from History PhD John-Paul Himka, shedding light on the Lviv pogroms, blaming both OUN and OUN-B.
Some notes about nationalism, patriotism and religion.
The Ukrainian flag is everywhere, along with the trident symbol. Before the Ballet performance we went to, everyone stood up for the national anthem, with their hands over their hearts. Normally I would puke by just hearing the name nationalism and patriotism. But can we forgive them? In times of war and of Russians unjustified invasion, nationalism not only naturally rises but is also needed to be pushed for the Ukrainian spirit to live and to even have a wish to defend the country, if we now wish to continue this war. Even if I don’t like it, I can forgive, or at least understand, that this is to a certain degree needed for Ukraine, being in war. And not only from an army/recruitment perspective, but the people living their daily lives need to come together, and a flag unites people. However, the religious extremism is something else. During my one-week-stay in Lviv, I saw several imageries, posters, recruitment-ads etc that connected patriotism and Christianity. There were a propaganda signs outside of a church writing about the good deeds of the orthodox church and how they raise money to the army. Zelenskiy stated in his easter speech last year, that “we believe God wears a patch bearing the Ukrainian flag on his shoulder”. At the flee markets in Lviv, I did not rarely find images symbolising not only Christianity but at the same time referencing the war. The worst image I found is the painting below, depicting Jesus as a Ukrainian solder, with a rifle in his hands. Although objectionable, we shouldn’t forget that this type of imagery would not be uncommon to find in for example the United States. It doesn’t make it justifiable, but at least adds perspective.
The Ukrainian flag is everywhere, along with the trident symbol. Before the Ballet performance we went to, everyone stood up for the national anthem, with their hands over their hearts. Normally I would puke by just hearing the name nationalism and patriotism. But can we forgive them? In times of war and of Russians unjustified invasion, nationalism not only naturally rises but is also needed to be pushed for the Ukrainian spirit to live and to even have a wish to defend the country, if we now wish to continue this war. Even if I don’t like it, I can forgive, or at least understand, that this is to a certain degree needed for Ukraine, being in war. And not only from an army/recruitment perspective, but the people living their daily lives need to come together, and a flag unites people. However, the religious extremism is something else. During my one-week-stay in Lviv, I saw several imageries, posters, recruitment-ads etc that connected patriotism and Christianity. There were a propaganda signs outside of a church writing about the good deeds of the orthodox church and how they raise money to the army. Zelenskiy stated in his easter speech last year, that “we believe God wears a patch bearing the Ukrainian flag on his shoulder”. At the flee markets in Lviv, I did not rarely find images symbolising not only Christianity but at the same time referencing the war. The worst image I found is the painting below, depicting Jesus as a Ukrainian solder, with a rifle in his hands. Although objectionable, we shouldn’t forget that this type of imagery would not be uncommon to find in for example the United States. It doesn’t make it justifiable, but at least adds perspective.
Found on the fleemarket in Lviv.
End
On the morning/night of the 21st of August, Russia launched 574 drones and 40 missiles into Ukraine. Among cities hit was both Lviv and Mukachevo, the small town we were on our day trip. We had left Ukraine just the day before. An acquaintance I met in Lviv told me she woke up from the sound of explosions in the city. I want to deeply thank the people of Lviv who hosted us. Despite a few people’s arrogance, which I didn’t take to heart and just adds to the experience, the majority were very welcoming. An example of this are the bartenders of Tsehla Bar who lit up and high-fived us after recognizing us from the night before, asking if all is fine with us. As a frequenter of bars, both in Stockholm and Berlin, this has never happened to me before.
It is easy to speak about the religious extremism, patriotism, nationalism, Bandera-followers and corruption in Ukraine. But the war Russia started will never be justified. We also musn't forget the statistic that Bandera support rose in Ukraine from 22% to 74% after the war - so if Russia was truly aiming to "de-nazify" Ukraine, they've done a horrible job so far.
Everyday people are dying at the hands of elites. Both the people of Ukraine and Russia must realize that themselves, the people, the nationalities, are not the enemy. Look up; the real enemy is above. They are the ones to be eradicated!
For those interested, some remaining photos with commentary will follow.
List of sources is on the bottom of the page.
Sources
[1] Bowman, K. (2025). How Popular Is Zelensky in Ukraine? What The Polls Show. American Enterprise Institute, March 3d.
https://www.aei.org/op-eds/how-popular-is-zelensky-in-ukraine-what-the-polls-show/
https://www.aei.org/op-eds/how-popular-is-zelensky-in-ukraine-what-the-polls-show/
(Primary source: Survation).
[2] Burdyga, I (2025). What Ukrainian opinion polls say about Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Deutsche Welle, February 28th.
https://www.dw.com/en/what-ukrainian-opinion-polls-say-about-volodymyr-zelenskyy/a-71774172(Primary source: Ukrainian research organization Ratinggroup).
[3] Ukrainian National News (UNN) (2024). More than half of Ukrainians do not consider themselves Europeans, July 16th.
https://unn.ua/en/news/more-than-half-of-ukrainians-do-not-consider-themselves-europeans(Primary source: Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation)
[4] Simionov, L.M. (2022). Shifting attitudes towards identity, borders and geopolitical choices: The case of Moldova, November 29th. Figure 1.
[5] Rating Group (2022). The Tenth National Survey: Ideological markers of the war (April 27, 2022), May 3d.
https://web.archive.org/web/20250526092653/http:/ratinggroup.ua/en/research/ukraine/desyatyy_obschenacionalnyy_opros_ideologicheskie_markery_voyny_27_aprelya_2022.html
https://web.archive.org/web/20250526092653/http:/ratinggroup.ua/en/research/ukraine/desyatyy_obschenacionalnyy_opros_ideologicheskie_markery_voyny_27_aprelya_2022.html
[6] Katchanovski, I. (2019). The OUN, the UPA, and the Nazi Genocide in Ukraine. SSRN.
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3429340
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3429340
[7] Bihun, I. (2018). "Спритний, фанатичний слов'янин". Як нацисти характеризували Степана Бандеру. Історична правда, December 31st.
[8] Stetsko, Y (1989). Ukraine and the subjugated nations : their struggle for national liberation : selected writings and speeches. Page 545.
[9] Szumiło, M. (2021). Stepan Bandera - leader of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists. Institute of National Rememberance, April 23d.
[10] Rossolinski-Liebe, G. (2014). Stepan Bandera: The Life And Afterlife Of A Ukrainian Nationalist. Pages 250-251.
[11] The official website of the President of the Republic of Poland (2013). Presidential Palace hosts Volhynia massacre conference.
https://www.president.pl/archives/bronislaw-komorowski/news/presidential-palace-hosts-volhynia-massacre-conference,38753[12] Himka, J-P. (2021). Ukrainian Nationalists and the Holocaust.
https://www.ibidem.eu/en/Topics/Social-Sciences/Ukrainian-Nationalists-and-the-Holocaust-Paperback.html
https://www.ibidem.eu/en/Topics/Social-Sciences/Ukrainian-Nationalists-and-the-Holocaust-Paperback.html